Category Archives: KACC

War on Corruption: A Whimper

The Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission has published its report for the 1st quarter of 2005. In three months the KACC investigated only seven cases and recommended further prosecution in four of these. The cases included:

– A 25,000 shilling bribe allegation against 2 Nairobi Water Council employees
– A pension department officer who solicited a 3,000 shilling bribe
– A false wealth declaration made by an employee of the Ministry of Home Affairs,
– An allegation of misuse of AIDS funds by an NGO
– Investigation of a free hotel stay by an employee of the Retirement Benefits Authority

The other three dealt with Anglo Leasing. As far as the KACC is concerned Anglo Leasing is a closed matter since the company repaid 375 million shillings ($4.4 million) to the Government. The KACC recommended, and the AG has duly charged Zakayo Cheruyiot (former PS in Office of the President), John Agili (finance officer in Office of the President), Sylvester Mwaliko (former PS in Office of the Vice President), Joseph Magari (former PS in the Ministry of Finance) Wilson Sitonik (former director of IT at the Treasury) and David Onyonka (former finance official at the Treasury Department) with various crimes related to Anglo-Leasing.

It appears that KACC only responds to complaints lodged (i.e. they don’t respond to media reports on corruption) I’d like to encourage the KACC to initiate their own investigations (like Elliot Spitzer in New York) and not just sit and wait for complaints. For an organization whose budget runs into the tens of millions, they are on pace to investigate only 30, mostly minor, cases in what is ranked as one of the most corrupt countries in the world. Hopefully issues that dominate the media such as Kenyatta National Hospital, military procurement deals and the other 20 cases handed to the President by Sir Edward Clay.

Groups sue City Council over service delivery

Entrepreneurs in Nairobi have sued the City Council and the Attorney-General (AG) for failing to deliver services and to account for taxes collected daily. “Specifically, it has failed in the provision of the following basic services and amenities: water and sewerage, garbage collection, roads and street lighting, education facilities, health facilities and housing facilities,” the plaint said. The AG has been sued on behalf of the Minister for Local Government who is alleged to have failed to either compel the council to discharge its responsibilities of providing basic services or by performing the duties himself.

Also, the Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission (KACC) lists their success over the past year. These include: the conviction of former National Aids Control Council boss Margaret Gachara, the bringing to court of chief executives of eight parastatals on charges of irregular deposits of public funds in Euro Bank, fraud cases against former Kenya Seed Company managing director Nathaniel Tum and other officials, corruption cases against four policemen attached to Nairobi’s Kamukunji station and another against Goldenberg scandal chief suspect Kamlesh Pattni, accused of trying to bribe a judge. Some 3,552 complaints were received by KACC between 2003 and 2004, and it investigated 242 cases in its mandate and handed over the others to the relevant agencies for action. It took no action on 229 others and has 256 cases pending before it.

The Taint of the Greased Palm (Is Kenya like Mexico?)

Tina Rosenberg of The New York Times, wrote an article on corruption in Mexico. Like the Kennedy-Lincoln comparisons, the article is startling and very revealing if you substitute Kenya for Mexico, Kibaki for Fox, KANU for P.R.I and so on. This article was written in 2003 (three years into the term of Vincent Fox in Mexico – we are now almost 3 years in Kibaki’s presidency)

· When Vicente Fox (Kibaki) was sworn in as president of Mexico on Dec. 1, 2000, he carried with him a huge burden: the public’s expectation that he would liberate from corruption a country that had become symbolic of the scourge.

· Fox was the first Mexican president from an opposition party after 71 (40) years of autocratic control by the Institutional Revolutionary Party, or P.R.I., (KANU) which maintained its grip on Mexico (Kenya) principally through corruption.

· In his inaugural address, Fox (Kibaki) said that combating corruption, ”until now a goal of secondary importance, will from today on be a national priority.”

· Yet just as sure as a new leader’s pledge to clean up the corruption of his predecessor is the certainty that his successor will, in a few years, (2007) be doing the same.

· Presidents who come to office promising to fight graft almost always fail — occasionally leaving office several million dollars (shillings) richer themselves.

· Arrests are made — but often only of political rivals.

· But corruption can be cleaned up – Australia, now one of the world’s cleanest nations, was a long-time Wild West of lawlessness. Singapore is now a model of probity, but in the 1950’s it was awash in corruption. Bolivia is one of the world’s most corrupt nations, but for a time a reformist mayor gave residents of its biggest city, La Paz, a reprieve. Ferdinand Marcos, of all people, cleaned up the Philippines’ tax bureau.

· Corruption also distorts spending. There is evidence that when levels of graft are high, governments spend less on education and health and more on public works — projects (passports) chosen not for their value to the nation but for their kickback potential.

· Corruption greatly discourages foreign investment.

· The transition to democracy tends to be a very corrupt period, during which shaky institutions, rapid privatisations and unclear rules contribute to the problem. Countries recently emerging from dictatorship tend to be more corrupt than the dictatorships they displaced.

· Mexico shows how easy it is to fight corruption once a government really wants to — and how hard it is to reach that point, despite what presidents say in their inaugural addresses.

· Another problem was the thicket of requirements necessary for getting goods through customs (bureaucracy at Mombasa port) – there were 16 steps, hence 16 opportunities for officials to solicit bribes. Gil Díaz got Mexico’s congress to convert customs to the system now in use in most of the world. Major shipments now had to be handled by licensed customs brokers, who would inventory the merchandise and calculate the correct duty. The 16 steps became 3. A process that had taken as long as a month was cut down to 10 minutes. From one month to the next, officially collected (KRA) duties jumped by 30 percent. In addition to raising revenue and greasing the movement of goods, that reform also curtailed corruption.

· Every week, Gil Díaz flew to a different post for a surprise inspection, not even telling the pilot where he was going until the plane was in the air. (Maitha)

· Gil Díaz changed the behaviour of customs workers by removing opportunities for theft and bribery and increasing the probability of their being caught. In short, he made illegal acts difficult.

· In his book ”Controlling Corruption,” Robert Klitgaard, now dean of the RAND Graduate School in Santa Monica, Calif., shows how in some of the most unlikely places corruption has been fought using such simple administrative reforms. His most spectacular example is the cleanup of the Philippine Bureau of Internal Revenue under that renowned graft-buster Ferdinand Marcos. It is amusing to recall that Marcos declared martial law in 1972 in part to combat corruption. Three years later, he installed Efren Plana, a respected judge, as the commissioner of internal revenue. Plana fired about a hundred of the most corrupt officials. He set higher professional standards and banned the hiring of officials’ relatives. Previously, tax assessors won promotion by bribing their superiors. Plana developed incentives that gave promotions and cash prizes to the most effective and fairest assessors. He brought in outside auditors and instituted frequent audits and spot checks. He recommended changes to simplify the tax laws, so that an individual agent’s discretion was reduced. In short, he used strategies any first-year business student could have designed.

· Gil Díaz’s reforms were similarly straightforward. ”It’s not that I’m an administrative genius,” he says. ”These changes were simply logical.”

· All those inaugural speeches declaring all-out war on graft? Lies. It’s actually easy to clean up corruption, absurdly easy, when you want to. What is difficult is really wanting to.

· Once corruption has become the norm, the system spits out those who try to fight it (Gladwell Otieno & Ahmednassir Abdullahi). In Argentina, President Fernando de la Rua, keeping a campaign promise, reduced the slush fund used to pay off legislators. But when Congress would not pass his labour-law reforms, 11 senators were said to have received bribes from members of his cabinet. When de la Rua went on to retain the two cabinet members accused of bribery in a cabinet reshuffle (Government of National Unity), the vice president, Carlos Alvarez, protested. The vice president ended up resigning. Those accused of bribery outlasted him. And the labour reforms passed.

· Corruption was found to be spectacularly concentrated in Mexico City (Nairobi) People in the capital stopped by a transit cop reported paying a bribe 69 percent of the time.

· Until elections were instituted in 1997 (1992), Mexico City’s mayors were appointed by the P.R.I. (KANU) All three mayors since then have come from the Democratic Revolutionary Party (P.R.D.), a leftist party that broke away from the P.R.I. (LDP?)

· Mexico City’s leadership today seems to think it is doing enough just by not being the (KANU) P.R.I. The P.R.D. (NARC) has fallen victim to a common misconception: corruption is the other guys.

· Politicians everywhere seem to believe that things automatically change when they (Ndwiga) win, when in fact the corporate culture of corruption is usually so strong that it swallows any party’s good intentions.

· ”You want the parties to take on the administrative process,” says Federico Reyes Heroles, the director of Transparency Mexico (Githongo), ”not simply to say, ‘When the saints come to power everything will be O.K.’ I have no doubt that mayor AMLO (Kibaki) is honest, but the important thing is the system.”

· Of course, along with a corrupt political culture, Mexico City’s leaders have inherited problems that make it difficult to change that culture.

· While the P.R.I. mafiosi (KANU) at the very top have been swept out of city government in the last few years, the municipal workers’ union (councillors) protects lower-level workers from being fired. City officials could try to take on the union but the P.R.D. (NARC) wants control of the union’s 100,000-plus members and its formidable election machine.

· It’s just one example of the single biggest reason corruption persists worldwide: fighting it requires alienating the influential groups and people — from labour unions to billionaire businessmen — who keep politicians in office and help them get things done.

· Ask Mexico City officials (Cabinet Ministers) how they are fighting corruption, and they point to the comptroller and the City Council’s auditor (Ringera & KACC). But these agencies are crippled by narrow mandates and tiny budgets – the office that monitors the price of public-works projects has only recently started using computers and reports from the City Council’s auditor regularly come out two years late.

· Corruption’s dirty little secret: the people’s cry that they are fed up with having to pay bribes is an exaggeration – the vast majority of citizens (Kenyans) who complain about corruption are full participants in the process. (Author) “I hate corruption enough to write an article about it, but I bribed my garbage man every Friday, as did all my neighbours. Should I complain to my garbage man’s boss? He probably enjoys a percentage of my tips.”

· Despite the complaints of citizens, the corruption accompanying an ordinary transaction in Mexico City usually begins with them. (Author)”In a neighbouring registry, an official had offered to do it for a large bribe we paid a gestor, or coyote, to help us with the transaction, and at least got mostly done in one morning. An acquaintance who went alone needed four trips.”

· Everyone complains, all the time. But when bribery is the only way to get services without taking a week off work, people bribe. What people (Kenyans) really need, of course, is a system that doesn’t require bribery to get things done.

· Nor do many people here believe in their own ability to influence a process of change.

· Officials here (MP’s) ignore corruption because they can — it doesn’t cost them at election time. Most voters have more urgent needs than clean government, like jobs, security and food (maendeleo). And if voters don’t really believe that corruption will ever disappear, then they figure they would be chumps not to get their own little piece.

· Votes here are not won through good service but through caudillo-style favours to constituent groups. The P.R.I. (KANU) no longer runs Mexico City, (Kenya) but its political system still does. Mayor AMLO (Kibaki) may be personally puritanical, but he relies on P.R.I.-style (KANU) electoral games to maintain political support. The strategy works. In midterm elections last month, Mexicans rewarded the nation’s two major political machines.

· Throughout the countryside, the P.R.I. (KANU), which never stopped doling out goodies, made a comeback. (Note: KANU has no more goodies to hand out and is losing most by-elections)

· In the Philippines, Efren Plana’s reforms slowly eroded, and they crashed completely when President Marcos apparently decided to install cronies in the tax bureau in the mid-1980’s to help his family avoid taxes (Mwiraria?) and to produce money for his 1986 (2007) re-election campaign.

· Even in places where officials have the power, initiative and imagination to clean house, their work can dissolve into nothing when the desire flags (Ringera).

· Still, I have yet to meet a Mexican (Kenyan) who says that President Fox (Kibaki) is doing much of anything to fight corruption, except those who work for him.

· The year after Fox (Kibaki) took office, more people actually thought corruption was rising rather than going down. I believe that this public perception of Fox’s failure is wrong, but it is understandable.

· His (Kibaki) is a notoriously lethargic presidency. Rooting out corruption was a theme — the theme — of his party. No one could have lived up to the hopes invested in him.

· Another reason for the public perception that Fox has failed is that his administration has chosen not to attempt widespread prosecutions for corruption (Ndwiga)– and when it has gone after big fish, it has so far failed to land them.

· For most Mexicans (Kenyans), and indeed, people everywhere, jailing the big fish is synonymous with fighting corruption.

· But in general, Fox has been right to emphasize other strategies. Prosecutions of past thievery (Goldenberg and Ndungu report) consume money and time better spent elsewhere. Especially in dysfunctional judicial systems like Mexico’s (Kenya’s), they often fail, and even when people do go to prison (Somaia), the event is so rare that it has no deterrent effect on the behaviour of current officials.

· But Fox (Kibaki) has actually made important investments in the future of clean government. He is bringing the anticorruption agency (KACC) up to global standards. And at his urging, this year Congress created a federal civil service. It will professionalize government and cut down on patronage, nepotism and jobs allocated by the applicant’s willingness to pay kickbacks to his superior. (Note: However Kibaki scuttled the new constitution which Kenyan’s believed would have reduced corruption)

· As Mexico City (Kenya) shows, general disgust about corruption does not produce change. Only when powerful sectors (private sector, donors and diplomats Clay) demand specific new ways of doing business do reforms occur.

· To call Mexico, where civil society is barely breathing after years on the P.R.I. (KANU) payroll, a successful example of corruption-fighting is an overstatement at this point. (Note: civil society has turned a myopic eye to NARC) But it might not be in a few years. ”

· In Mexico, as elsewhere, (anti-corruption) fences go up and fences fall. They remain standing only when a government (Kenya) knows that its fortunes are tied to the fences, that if the fences topple, the government topples along with them.

Where is Mexico today?

· According to the Economist Intelligence Unit, Mexico’s largest party, the PRI (KANU), has reason to be optimistic at the start of 2005. It scored numerous electoral successes in local and statewide contests last year, which have increased its prospects of regaining the presidency in 2006 after a six-year hiatus.

· The PRI’s president, Roberto Madrazo (Uhuru or Biwott?), has been able to claim success for mobilizing the party vote in the local polls, thereby strengthening his authority over the party and his chances of securing its presidential nomination. Given the party’s weak finances, another factor that will work in Mr. Madrazo’s favour is his ability to forge alliances with important financial backers, such as the controversial Hank Rhon brothers.

· Barring any major upsets, Mr. Madrazo will almost certainly be the PRI’s presidential candidate in 2006. And given the troubles afflicting the Partido Accion Nacional (PAN), (NAK) the party of President Vicente Fox, and the left-leaning Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD) (NARC), Mr. Madrazo’s chances of capturing the presidency are good.

· The PRD, meanwhile, generally had a poor year in 2004. The “videoscandals” (Anglo-leasing) that broke in March and exposed corruption at the heart of Mexico City’s government, which is run by a PRD mayor, have been extremely damaging for a party that has always sought to emphasize an anti-corruption agenda. The videoscandals were followed by the launch of the process to strip the mayor, Andres Manuel López Obrador, the PRD’s (Kibaki or his preferred successor?) best prospect of winning the presidency in 2006, of his parliamentary immunity, in a case that could yet endanger his ability to run.

· In the last quarter of 2004, the PRD suffered other setbacks. The arrest on October 9th of Gustavo Ponce Meléndez, the Mexico City administration’s former finance minister, demonstrates the extent to which the videoscandals have the potential to continue to harm the party. Mr. Ponce had been a fugitive since March 2nd, shortly after the release of a video showing him betting large sums of money in a casino in Las Vegas. Mr. Ponce is being held at La Palma, a maximum-security prison in the State of Mexico, and is being investigated for illicit enrichment. Following Mr. Ponce’s arrest, the criminal investigation he faces has the potential to reveal damaging facts that could incriminate Mr. López Obrador.

· So far, Mr. López Obrador (Kibaki) has been able to distance himself from the corruption scandals. Indeed, a poll carried out in mid-November by a national newspaper, Reforma, indicates a slight rebound in Mr. López Obrador’s popularity in recent months, with 34%—up from 32% in August—of those polled saying they would vote for him, compared with 26% for Santiago Creel Miranda, the frontrunner for the PAN candidacy, and 24% for Mr. Madrazo, the favorite for the PRI candidacy.

· When asked to give a preference for a particular party, regardless of its candidate, the PRI (KANU) comes out top in both polls. The November El Universal poll showed that 29% of those polled supported the PRI, followed by the PAN with 27% and the PRD with 23%. Similarly, the Reforma poll, using a slightly different methodology, found that 36% of those asked said they thought it likely that the next president would be from the PRI, with 25% believing him or her to be from the PAN, and only 22% from the PRD.

· The electorate’s apparent preference for the PRI appears to underscore its disillusionment with the ineffectiveness of the first non-PRI (non KANU) government in 71 (40) years and by the PRD’s failure to project itself as a convincing alternative party of government.

Anglo Leasing alive

The Standard ran a page one story on the technical advisor on Anglo leasing, (a French company called Francois-Charles Oberthur Fiduciaire) angling to get the contract to print Kenya’s currency.

However in this case, the Sunday Standard is trying to keep up with its corruption-exposing theme by rehashing an old story they ran in May 2004. It’s shocking that Anglo-leasing Company is still alive, but the notion that it (or anybody) can snatch De La Rue’s contract to print Kenya’s currency is too unbelievable – they have done so since independence. De La Rue is unmatched in its currency printing operation and actually runs an operation in the EPZ Nairobi that prints currencies for several countries. The earlier story was much more revealing about who was behind the Anglo-leasing currency and carries an ominous warning – “When you start hearing French firms being given tenders, be sure corruption is back,” a Government official said.

(Since the Standard archives are offline today, here’s the article from last year)

Inteligence | New corruption haunts Narc
Big Issue | Financial Standard | Maddo | Pulse | Style | Society
Sunday, May 9, 2004
By Sunday Standard Team

Official corruption is back – and this time it is bigger, bolder and a lot more difficult to pin down. Errand boys and crooked businessmen of the Moi era have teamed up with cartels and officials of the Narc administration to continue with business as usual, exerting influence over tenders and supplies, as well as presenting themselves as brokers both locally and abroad.

Where the crooks of the Moi era asked for 10 per cent commissions on tenders and supplies, those of the Narc regime are asking for 30 per cent.

A twilight zone has emerged between the Office of the President, the Treasury and State House where – under the guise of state security – tenders are secretly negotiated on behalf of the Government by a clique of Asian businessmen and close associates of State House, Treasury and OP officials.

Sunday Standard investigations reveal that the security business is the worst hit because of the secrecy that surrounds even mundane things like printing of driving licences and passports.

For about a year now, the reputed firm, De La Rue’s security printing business with the Kenya Government has been hanging on a thread, awaiting cancellation because of intense lobbying to take away its business.


The cartels in the Kibaki administration, backed by a small clique of powerful government officials, have tracked down jack-of-all trades Asian businessmen, even those who fell out with the Kanu regime, and incorporated them into money-minting schemes where they hold sway over who gets lucrative tenders, at a fee. Sources told the Sunday Standard that an Asian businessman who made a killing in the Moi era by supplying substandard goods, or none at all, has been pushing for two foreign firms to take the business from De La Rue.

The businessman, teaming up with a former District Officer in the Eastlands area, a State House official, two permanent secretaries, a Cabinet Minister, a Democratic Party official and a nominated MP have been pushing for De La Rue’s business to be given to Banking Notes Ltd of Canada and Currency Australia of Australia.

A search on the firms yielded variations in names while a source said the companies might as well be non-existent.

“It could just be another money minting scheme by these crooks. Those firms may not exist. Even if they [the two firms] did get the [security printing] contract, De La Rue is local and is paid in local currency. The foreign firms will get 70 per cent of their pay in foreign currencies and only 30 per cent in local. That is capital flight,” a government official said.

The clique is also pursuing contracts for the supply of security equipment like guns, particularly AK-47s, which they have either supplied or plan to supply at a cost of $2,800 each where they would ordinarily go for $1,500. Because the European Union has stringent rules on kickbacks and bribery abroad by its firms, the crooks in government are looking elsewhere for companies that can give 30 per cent commissions.

“When you start hearing French firms being given tenders, be sure corruption is back,” a Government official said.


According to a chief executive of a US firm in Nairobi, the new influence-peddlers have added “a high-tech sophistication to the arsenal of old-fashioned corruption”. “They disguise their trade, they move with more discretion, they are better-educated, and they have more of an entrepreneurial vision of their corrupt businesses,” the government officer said.

“We are seeing a lot more of cronyism; where government officials offer favourable treatment to their old friends and ‘buddies’. We are seeing favouritism, confidentiality and preferential treatment based on long-standing friendships. I don’t know what it will evolve into,” he added.

In the wave of cronyism, abuse of office has emerged as a component of corruption where for being friends with the “right” people, individuals get favours they don’t deserve.

The nominated MP deep in the new cartel has her houses guarded by four administration police officers. Ordinarily, MPs are entitled to only one civilian body guard.

Meeting in Cyprus

Last December, an Asian businessman who fled the country after his business deals in the Moi era went sour and now lives in Cyprus held a meeting with a senior government official at an exclusive location in the Seychelles. He was accompanied by power brokers and

influence peddlers with State House connections. “This is not a man a clean Government official can meet. His duty is to pursue all sorts of contracts and ask for commissions. The fact that they are back says a lot about our war on corruption,” a government official said.

The official said the meeting in Cyprus was organised by a senior government official who left the country last December 12, and met the businessman in London to arrange the Seychelles meeting. The government official and his team was picked from Seychelles and flown to Mombasa on New Year’s Eve in a military helicopter dispatched from Nairobi.

Shady deals

According to a former MP who runs an international consultancy, the new corruption is run on a cash basis, not land or other property, as was the case in the Moi era.

“There seems to be a feeling that time is short and nobody wants to be bogged down in transactions like land transfers. They go for cash. The shady deals are all over. The ones we get to hear about are deals that go sour. Most of the shady deals are well executed and we don’t get to know about them. The parties shake hands and part happily while the government loses billions,” the former MP said.

Where the brokers cannot have firms to offer 30 per cent commissions, they form their own companies with foreign-sounding names to take the tenders and then subcontract other firms to supply the required goods.

A government official familiar with security and intelligence supplies and tenders was last week categorical that Anglo Leasing and Finance Ltd, the firm at the centre of the passports printing scandal, was a local firm owned by the same State House, OP and businessmen clique specifically for the passports deal. “Those companies are disbanded immediately they have got their cut and passed on the business to someone else.” The official said security is being used as an excuse to defraud the government.

“There are no security implications in printing of passports. What is required is that we get a reputable firm that will not leak information or one whose systems cannot be duplicated. If you are buying things like fighter jets or communications equipment, you don’t have to advertise. But you visit several suppliers, then you form a technical committee to evaluate the firms,” he said.

The feeling that old corruption is back cuts across party lines. Kiharu MP Kembi Gitura says the talk about corruption “cannot be for nothing and should form the basis for investigations.”

“When people talk like this, they are reacting to their frustrations. Even Goldenberg began as a clean business. I agree that security matters should be secret but good business sense requires that you vet what you are dealing with,” Gitura said.

“I want to believe that new passports were necessary. But we know of situations where contracts were created, not for the benefit of the country but to perpetuate corrupt practices. I hope that is not the case here,” he added.

Civil society

Kanu MP Mutula Kilonzo blames the civil society, donors and the Government for the return of corruption. He sees a deliberate effort by the government to create confusion over which government agency does what.

“The shelving of the passports tender was announced by Dr Chris Murungaru. That was wrong. What happens when Murungaru is found to be a suspect? Will he announce that to the public? Only the anti-corruption commission should have announced that the tendering has been cancelled and investigations are on. But the government has ensured KACC has no director,” Kilonzo said.

“The country may have to grapple with a complex situation of a corrupt new regime investigating past corruption. If Moody Awori can defend a corrupt deal in government, who is left in Narc?” he added.

Mutula lamented the death of civil society whose members were co-opted into government and the feeling among donors that they want to channel all the money to the government and not civil society organisations.

Some 17 months ago, Kenyans cheered as President Kibaki took power with a warning that “the era of anything goes is gone forever and asked “all those members of my government and public officers accustomed to corrupt practice” to know there will be no sacred cows. Now, the optimism has faded, as allegations of corruption dog his presidency.

Corruption Rears its Head

On the heels of the Transparency International report on Kenya released last week, events at the Nairobi Water Council and Egerton University shows that corruption can’t be swept under the rug – the costs are staggering, and are just a symptom of the leakage in government resources.

More than Sh1.1 billion a month has been lost by the Nairobi City Council due to illegal connections alone, and half the water supplied in the capital was either through illegal connections or water not billed, it is alleged.

And at Egerton University, a suspect in a Sh500 million fraud opened 12 bank accounts to stash away money, in the names of the suspect’s 12 children. In June this year an employee of the bank became suspicious about transactions in the 12 accounts and wrote to the Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission (KACC). The banker questioned payments to the accounts but got no answers from either the university or KACC.

Last October, the employees intercepted a computer payroll diskette, which was being taken to a local bank and discovered that some workers earned “unusually high salaries.” The detectives were also investigating a suspected payroll manipulation scam involving 600 “ghost workers.” They claim that dead employees and those who had either resigned or transferred were still earning salaries. Some junior employees at the university are allegedly earning salaries equivalent to that of an associate professor.